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On October 9th\uff0c2010\uff0cthe day after Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize\uff0cthe Chinese Communist Party arranged a meeting between him and his wife Liu Xia.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Liu told his wife that he had already learned of his award from prison officials. Then\uff0cfacing her with tears in his eyes\uff0che said\uff0c“this prize is for the lost souls of June Fourth.”<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Liu Xiaobo‘s confinement made him only the second recipient\uff0cin more than a century of the prize’s history\uff0cto be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize while in prison. As Liu was unable to attend the ceremony held in Oslo\uff0can empty chair was placed onstage to symbolize his absence\uff1aas you might expect\uff0cempty chairs are a rare sight at such ceremonies.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Vaclav Havel\uff0ca fellow intellectual\uff0cdissident\uff0cand political prisoner who strongly supported Liu‘s nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize\uff0calso shares with Liu a common casual fashion sense. Even after becoming President of the Czech Republic\uff0cHavel never abandoned his aversion to formal dress. He once refused a suit given to him by his friend Karel Schwarzenberger\uff0ca descendant of Austrian royalty\uff0cexclaiming “I can’t wear this\uff01It would make me look like a clown.”Havel continued to wear a simple pullover and jeans throughout his presidency\uff0criding his scooter through the winding halls of Prague Castle.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Like Havel\uff0cLiu Xiaobo has always had a casual and simple style. You are not likely to see him in a suit and tie. Once when a friend invited him to dinner at an exclusive club\uff0cthe host stopped Liu at the doorway and required him to change out of his jeans\uff1ahe was less than happy with this formality. When Liu was a rising star in the academic world in the 1980s\uff0che would often lecture at Beijing Normal University in worn old jeans and sandals. One classmate recalls that Liu\uff0cwho always did things his own way even then\uff0cwould often “wear a t-shirt\uff0cshorts\uff0cand sandals\uff0cwith a tattered book\u3000bag on his back.”And whoever chose to criticize his sense of style would inevitably receive the self-satisfied response that “this entire outfit cost less than ten yuan\uff01”<\/font><\/p>\r\n

If one day Liu Xiaobo regains his freedom\uff0cwe can be certain that China will have already started on the path to democratization. Would he be invited to Oslo City Hall\uff0cto make up for the prize ceremony that he missed\uff1fWould he wear a neatly pressed black tuxedo to the ceremony\uff1fI can‘t help but wonder how he would look\uff0cdressed so immaculately from head to toe.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Every person‘s life is filled with countless “ifs.”Liu Xiaobo’s is no exception.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

If Liu Xiaobo‘s father had not been a literature professor\uff0cif Liu had not been sent down to the countryside as an “educated youth\uff0c”or if he had not been accepted into the Chinese Department at Jilin University and joined the Innocent Hearts Poetry Group\uff0camidst the unrivaled reign of the technical sciences in that era\uff0cwould he have become just another bumbling engineer\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

If Liu Xiaobo had not been accepted into the Chinese Department at Beijing Normal University and remained as an instructor after graduation\uff0cif he had not published his declaration on the crisis of contemporary Chinese literature\uff0cand if he had not challenged Li Zehou\uff0cone of the more influential thinkers of that period\uff0cwould he have become just another inconspicuous and obscure professor of aesthetics\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

If Liu Xiaobo\uff0camidst the tumult of 1989\uff0chad only completed his term as a visiting scholar abroad rather than returning to Beijing like a moth to a flame\uff0cif he had only stood on the sidelines of the student movement rather than becoming one of the leaders of the hunger strike that marked its peak\uff0cor if he had just not stood ground with fellow protestors on Tiananmen Square until the very last moment\uff0cwould he have avoided the tragedy of prison\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

If\uff0cas more and more Chinese dove into the sea of entrepreneurship in the 1990s\uff0cLiu Xiaobo had decided to change course and just focus on making some money\uff0cif he had returned to the ivory tower to refocus his energies on textual research\uff0cor if he had only dedicated some of his talent to publishing bestsellers\uff0cwould he have become just another showy nouveau riche intellectual-turned-businessman\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

If\uff0cin this new century\uff0cLiu Xiaobo had not been elected to the presidency of the Independent Chinese PEN Center and dedicated himself to the struggle for freedom of expression\uff0cif he had not published millions of characters worth of political commentary in the overseas media and on overseas websites\uff0cand if he had not participated in drafting and organizing Charter ‘08\uff0cwould he have faced a fourth prison sentence\uff1fAnd would he have received the Nobel Peace Prize\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Each of these “ifs”presents a crossroads in life. But if\uff0cover the past thirty years\uff0cChina did not have Liu Xiaobo\uff0cor if Liu‘s sense of duty…or shall we say the combination of his sense of duty\uff0cambition\uff0cand other aspects of his complex personality…were not quite as strong as they have been\uff0cwhat would our world be like today\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Liu Xiaobo‘s existence\uff0cand Liu Xiaobo’s suffering\uff0care a reminder to us all\uff1awe are not alone in this world\uff0cand cannot think only of ourselves. We have to remained engaged with and reflective upon the world around us\uff0cand bear our shared responsibility.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

In 1977\uff0cafter years of work in the countryside as an “educated youth\uff0c”Liu Xiaobo was admitted into college\uff0cbeginning his journey to becoming an independent intellectual at the age of twenty-two. Liu‘s growth and activism over the three decades that followed can be divided into four main passages.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

The first passage\uff0cfrom 1977 to 1989\uff0cwas a period in which Liu pursued his studies\uff0cbegan his career\uff0cand made a name for himself in literary circles.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

The late 1970s and 1980s were a rare moment of vitality and hope in modern China. Despite the occasional reemergence of political campaigns like the Anti-Spiritual Pollution Drive and the Campaign against Bourgeois Liberalization\uff0cthe control and restraint of leaders like Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang ensured that such temporary flashbacks to the Maoist era did not devastate the recently revitalized cultural and intellectual fields. The liberation of thought that characterized the 1980s continued through the spring of 1989\uff0cwhen it was suddenly and cruelly extinguished.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Liu Xiaobo benefited greatly from the open intellectual atmosphere of this period\uff0cwhile also becoming a central contributor to its continual expansion. Liu began his studies from literary criticism and aesthetics\uff0cgradually expanding into a far-reaching critique of Chinese traditional culture\uff0cChinese intellectuals\uff0cand the prevailing political system. His books sold faster than they could be printed\uff0cand his speeches were all the talk of college campuses.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

In the spring of 1989\uff0cwhile Liu Xiaobo was a visiting scholar in the United States\uff0cstudent protests began in Beijing. Liu was determined to return\uff0cand soon dedicated himself wholeheartedly to this movement. Liu‘s decision transformed him from the “dark horse”of literary circles to the “black hand”behind the student movement\uff0cfrom a detached intellectual to a man of action\uff0cand from a young scholar to an enemy of the state. The echo of gunfire reverberating through the streets of Beijing officially marked the end of Liu Xiaobo’s youth.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

The second passage\uff0cfrom 1989 to 1999\uff0cwas a period in which Liu was imprisoned\uff0cpersecuted\uff0cand remained committed and active while increasingly isolated<\/font><\/p>\r\n

This was a decade of unrelenting social and political stasis\uff0ccombined with unprecedented economic growth. It was a decade of intellectual suppression and of the widespread abandonment of even the most basic of moral values. Deng Xiaoping‘s call to build a “well-off society”left the people of China with no choice but to accept the reality of being robbed of their freedom and denied their fundamental human rights\uff0cand to focus their energies upon the sole acceptable goal\uff1amaking money. Money became the only thing in which people could truly believe. In academic circles\uff0cone after another\uff0cnationalism\uff0cpopulism\uff0cpostmodernism\uff0cneo-traditionalism\uff0cand the “New Left”took intellectual circles by storm with the tacit approval and encouragement of the state. Liberalism\uff0cby contrast\uff0cwas gradually marginalized.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Liu Xiaobo‘s human rights activism in this period led to his imprisonment three separate times\uff0ctotaling nearly six years behind bars in one decade. And even when he was not in prison\uff0cLiu was still followed\uff0cclosely monitored\uff0cand even placed under arbitrary house arrest by state security\uff0cmaking his life anything but easy. Yet he refused to give up\uff0cto be discouraged\uff0cor to even feel a hint of anxiety about his increasingly marginalized position within Chinese society. Instead\uff0che continued on his course\uff0creading the latest commentaries\uff0cobserving the social and cultural developments around him\uff0ccollaborating with similarly minded colleagues\uff0cand searching for new possibilities.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Throughout this decade\uff0cLiu composed and organized signatories to a number of open letters addressing such pressing issues as implementing democracy\uff0cprotecting human rights\uff0cand overturning the official verdict on Tiananmen. Despite these far-reaching efforts\uff0cLiu‘s influence continued to be limited primarily to a small circle of dissident intellectuals\uff1ahe had become a lonely trailblazer.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

The third passage\uff0cfrom 1999 to 2008\uff0cwas a period in which Liu wrote extensively on political affairs\uff0cand emerged as one of contemporary China‘s central public intellectuals and human rights activists.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

This was a decade in which China‘s economic development continued to accelerate\uff0cwhile political reform continued to lag far behind. Corruption continued to plague society\uff0cand social tensions continued to intensify. Throughout the reigns of Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao\uff0cthe Chinese Communist Party has declared to the outside world the rise of a new great power\uff0cand attempted to export the so-called China model. Yet domestically\uff0cthe Party has proselytized its “harmonious society\uff1a”beneath its pleasant sounding veneer\uff0csuch harmony is in reality nothing but the maintenance of “stability”through unrelenting violence\uff0cwith the growing ranks of secret police running wild with increasingly free reign.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Yet from another perspective\uff0cin this decade civil society gradually took root and slowly expanded\uff0cNGOs sprung up one after another\uff0cand rapidly expanding Internet use resulted in unprecedented access to free information. However\uff0cdivisions continued to grow within the intellectual world\uff0cas more and more scholars began to willingly abandon their independence and stand wholeheartedly with the government.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Totalitarianism with Chinese characteristics has undergone repeated metamorphoses on its path to modernity. The majority has chosen to bow down and submit to this superficially benevolent yet actually quite coldblooded force\uff1bthey justify their decision by repeating\uff0c“if you can‘t beat them\uff0cjoin them.”And as one sector after another gave up and joined in this game\uff0ccynicism has come to reign over Chinese society\uff0cerasing any remaining momentum for further reform.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

In this era\uff0cLiu Xiaobo continued to be closely monitored by the state security forces. However\uff0cwith the exception of brief periods of house arrest and interrogation at particular “sensitive times”each year\uff0che managed to stay out of prison\uff0callowing for a relative sense of security and stability. Combining his extensive knowledge with a growing awareness of the essential role of public intellectuals in social transformation\uff0cLiu maintained a sharp awareness of pressing issues and a passion for critical reflection. As one scholar has noted\uff0c“he never stopped thinking through a workable program for political transition\uff0cas well as possible directions to pursue following such a transition. His thought provides a unique and extremely valuable perspective that links the intellectual world with grassroots society\uff0cin search of a soft landing in a ‘post-transition’era yet to come.”<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Between 2003 and 2007\uff0cLiu Xiaobo also served two terms as the president of the Independent Chinese PEN Center\uff0cfinally developing on-the-ground infrastructure for the center‘s activities within China. Cooperating with and drawing support from his colleagues\uff0cLiu overcame the authorities’restrictions on independent organizations\uff0cmaking Chinese PEN an unprecedentedly vibrant independent organization dedicated to protecting freedom of expression and promoting the development of Chinese literature. In 2008\uff0cLiu Xiaobo retired from his post in Chinese PEN and dedicated himself wholeheartedly to drafting\uff0crevising\uff0cand organizing signatories to Charter ‘08 work which lasted until his arrest on December 8th of that year. The dual leadership roles that Liu assumed in this decade\uff0cboth in Independent Chinese PEN and in the preparation of Charter ’08\uff0cunveiled his new identity as a civil society organizer and coordinator.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

The fourth passage in Liu Xiaobo‘s life began in 2009\uff0cand continues to this day.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

From the moment that policemen abruptly stormed into his home in the middle of night on December 8th\uff0c2008\uff0cLiu Xiaobo lost his freedom. One year later\uff0cin December of 2009\uff0che was sentenced to a total of eleven years in prison. But then\uff0cone more year later\uff0cLiu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Although the Chinese authorities have imprisoned Liu Xiaobo‘s body\uff0cthey cannot imprison his name and his ideas. Liu’s experience unmasks the fundamentally dictatorial nature of the Chinese Communist regime for the world to see. And no matter what disguises the Party may try\uff0cso long as Liu remains locked away in prison\uff0cthere is no way for this regime to hide its despicable nature.<\/font><\/p>\r\n

Now\uff0cthe honor of the Nobel Peace Prize has elevated Liu Xiaobo to a new status. Although Liu‘s contributions cannot be measured solely through this prize\uff0cthis honor nevertheless places him directly at the heart of any future sociopolitical transition in China. Chen Jun\uff0ca good friend of Liu\uff0cnotes\uff0c“I strongly believe that Xiaobo has his own expectations and even preparations in this regard. If he can persist\uff0cand continue on the path that he has followed over the years\uff0che will become an outstanding figure in history\uff0clike Vaclav Havel\uff0cleaving a deep and lasting imprint upon China. This imprint could be far more significant than simply realizing democratization in China. And I strongly believe that he is qualified to play such a role.”In the not so distant future\uff0cwill Liu Xiaobo finally realize the Herculean task of bringing real social transformation to China\uff1f<\/font><\/p>\r\n

As for what this new passage in Liu‘s life might bring\uff0cwe all have yet to see. But each one of us who cares about China’s future and its fate is eagerly waiting\uff0cand imagining what is still to come.
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