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 <\/p>

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 <\/p>

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 <\/p>

\u6d3b\u52a8\u5bb6<\/span><\/strong><\/p>

 <\/p>

1992<\/span>\u5e746\u6708\u5e95\uff0c\u6211\u7ec8\u4e8e\u5728\u5317\u4eac\u7b2c\u4e00\u6b21\u89c1\u5230\u4e86\u4ed6\u3002\u4ed6\u548c\u5468\u8235\u5728\u4e00\u8d77\uff0c\u5468\u4e5f\u662f“\u5929\u5b89\u95e8\u56db\u541b\u5b50”\u4e4b\u4e00\uff0c\u4ed6\u4eec\u5728\u5927\u5c60\u6740\u7684\u524d\u591c\u53d1\u52a8\u7edd\u98df\uff0c\u6b64\u540e\u53c8\u5e2e\u52a9\u8c08\u5224\u64a4\u79bb\u5929\u5b89\u95e8\u5e7f\u573a\u3002\u5468\u4e5f\u66fe\u88ab\u76d1\u7981\u8fc7\uff0c\u800c\u4e24\u4eba\u90fd\u60f3\u7ee7\u7eed\u6297\u4e89\u3002<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

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 <\/p>

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 <\/p>

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 <\/p>

\u4f5c\u4e3a\u4e00\u4f4d\u591a\u4ea7\u4f5c\u5bb6\uff0c\u4ed6\u5c06\u4e00\u4e9b\u6709\u5173\u653f\u6cbb\u5c40\u52bf\u7684\u975e\u5e38\u654f\u611f\u7684\u6587\u7ae0\u53d1\u8868\u5728\u9999\u6e2f\u6742\u5fd7\u300a\u4e5d\u5341\u5e74\u4ee3\u300b\u3001\u300a\u4e89\u9e23\u300b\u3001\u300a\u5f00\u653e\u300b\uff0c\u4ee5\u53ca\u5728\u7f8e\u56fd\u53d1\u884c\u5e76\u4e14\u4ed6\u540e\u6765\u4e3b\u7f16\u7684\u5f02\u8bae\u4eba\u58eb\u6742\u5fd7\u300a\u6c11\u4e3b\u4e2d\u56fd\u300b\u3002\u6bcf\u6b21\u6211\u4eec\u89c1\u9762\uff0c\u4ed6\u90fd\u5411\u6211\u89e3\u91ca\u6c11\u8fd0\u6b63\u5728\u5982\u4f55\u53d1\u5c55\uff0c\u63cf\u8ff0\u5176\u6210\u8d25\uff0c\u63d0\u4f9b\u4e86\u5173\u4e8e\u5c40\u52bf\u7684\u4e00\u4e2a\u975e\u5e38\u73b0\u5b9e\u7684\u753b\u9762\u3002\u5c3d\u7ba1\u4e8b\u5b9e\u4e0a\u4ed6\u6709\u5f88\u5f3a\u7684\u4e2a\u6027\uff0c\u4f46\u662f\u6653\u6ce2\u603b\u662f\u613f\u610f\u8ba9\u81ea\u5df1\u60f3\u6cd5\u5f97\u5230\u8d28\u7591\uff0c\u5e76\u4e14\u5f88\u597d\u5947\u522b\u4eba\u5982\u4f55\u770b\u5f85\u4ed6\u7684\u7acb\u573a\u89c2\u70b9\u3002\u4ece1992\u5e74\u88ab\u91ca\u653e\u52301996\u5e74\uff0c\u4ed6\u53c2\u4e0e\u4e86\u5927\u90e8\u5206\u4e89\u6c11\u4e3b\u7684\u884c\u52a8\u3002\u5728\u52b3\u6559\u4e09\u5e74\u670d\u5211\u7684\u6c89\u5bc2\u4e4b\u540e\uff0c\u4ed6\u57281999\u5e74\u9a6c\u4e0a\u53c8\u6d3b\u8dc3\u8d77\u6765\uff0c\u7ec4\u7ec7\u4e86\u65e0\u6570\u8bf7\u613f\uff0c\u4ee5\u4f7f\u90a3\u4e9b\u6562\u4e8e\u6311\u6218\u4e2d\u5171\u7684\u4eba\u5f97\u4ee5\u83b7\u91ca\u3002<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

\u5c3d\u7ba1\u4ed6\u662f\u4e00\u4e2a\u975e\u5e38\u56fa\u6267\u5df1\u89c1\u7684\u4eba\uff0c\u4f46\u662f\u4ed6\u4e5f\u80fd\u591f\u4e0e\u4e0d\u540c\u80cc\u666f\u7684\u6d3b\u52a8\u4eba\u58eb\u59a5\u534f\u548c\u56e2\u7ed3\u30022008\u5e74\uff0c\u4ed6\u5f97\u5230\u4e86\u652f\u6301\u6c11\u8fd0\u7684\u5927\u591a\u6570\u884c\u52a8\u8005\u7684\u5c0a\u91cd\uff0c\u8fd9\u5728\u770b\u8d77\u6765\u4e25\u91cd\u5206\u88c2\u7684\u7fa4\u4f53\u4e2d\u662f\u4e00\u4e2a\u4e86\u4e0d\u8d77\u7684\u6210\u5c31\u3002\u4f53\u5236\u5185\u5916\u7684\u77e5\u8bc6\u5206\u5b50\u3001\u5de5\u4eba\u3001\u5171\u4ea7\u515a\u79bb\u4f11\u4eba\u5458\uff0c\u90fd\u613f\u610f\u4e0e\u4ed6\u8054\u7cfb\uff0c\u7ecf\u5e38\u5f81\u6c42\u4ed6\u7684\u610f\u89c1\u3002<\/span><\/p>

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\u8fd9\u4e9b\u7279\u70b9\u89e3\u91ca\u4e86\u4e3a\u4ec0\u4e48\u4e2d\u5171\u57282008\u5e74\u51b3\u5b9a\u902e\u6355\u4ed6\u3002\u4eba\u4eec\u5e38\u8bf4\u4ed6\u56e0\u300a\u96f6\u516b\u5baa\u7ae0\u300b\u800c\u88ab\u6355\uff0c\u5176\u5b9e\u867d\u7136\u4ed6\u786e\u5b9e\u53c2\u52a0\u4e86\u5176\u9610\u8ff0\uff0c\u4f46\u4e0d\u80fd\u89c6\u4e3a\u4e3b\u8981\u4f5c\u8005\u3002\u4e0d\u8fc7\uff0c\u4ed6\u82b1\u4e86\u5f88\u591a\u7cbe\u529b\u53bb\u8bf4\u670d\u4e0d\u540c\u80cc\u666f\u8005\u7b7e\u7f72\u3002\u5c3d\u7ba1\u4ed6\u5bf9\u300a\u96f6\u516b\u5baa\u7ae0\u300b\u7684\u6548\u7387\u6301\u6000\u7591\u6001\u5ea6\uff0c\u4f46\u4ed6\u8fd8\u662f\u51b3\u5b9a\u627f\u62c5\u5176\u5199\u4f5c\u7684\u4e3b\u8981\u8d23\u4efb\u3002<\/span><\/p>

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\u7531\u4e8e\u8fd9\u4e9b\u539f\u56e0\uff0c\u5218\u6653\u6ce2\u7684\u88ab\u6355\u5bf9\u4e8e\u6c11\u8fd0\u800c\u8a00\u662f\u4e00\u4e2a\u53ef\u6015\u7684\u6253\u51fb\u3002\u4ed6\u5728\u6c11\u8fd0\u4e2d\u6240\u5f97\u5230\u7684\u5c0a\u91cd\uff0c\u89e3\u91ca\u4e86\u4e3a\u4ec0\u4e48\u4e2d\u5171\u59cb\u7ec8\u90fd\u5f88\u7c97\u66b4\u5730\u5bf9\u5f85\u4ed6\uff0c\u6700\u540e\u8feb\u4f7f\u5176\u9057\u5b40\u5218\u971e\u5c06\u4ed6\u7684\u9aa8\u7070\u6492\u8fdb\u6d77\u6d0b\uff0c\u56e0\u6b64\u5c31\u4e0d\u4f1a\u6709\u575f\u5893\u8ba9\u4eba\u6c11\u5f97\u4ee5\u5728\u4e2d\u56fd\u96c6\u4f1a\u7eaa\u5ff5\u4ed6\u3002\u5c3d\u7ba1\u5982\u6b64\uff0c\u4f46\u81ea\u4ece\u4ed6\u53bb\u4e16\u540e\uff0c\u4e00\u4e9b\u7eaa\u5ff5\u6d3b\u52a8\u5df2\u7ecf\u53d1\u751f\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u7684\u4e07\u91cc\u6d77\u5cb8\u7ebf\u5df2\u7ecf\u6210\u4e3a\u5176\u8ffd\u968f\u8005\u96c6\u4f1a\u7eaa\u5ff5\u4ed6\u7684\u6240\u5728\u5730\u3002\u4e2d\u5171\u5df2\u7ecf\u6210\u529f\u5730\u6446\u8131\u4e86\u8fd9\u4f4d\u4e2a\u6027\u5f3a\u8005\u3002\u7136\u800c\uff0c\u90a3\u4e9b\u5728\u4e2d\u534e\u5927\u5730\u7ee7\u7eed\u4e3a\u6c11\u4e3b\u800c\u594b\u6597\u7684\u4eba\u4eec\uff0c\u5c06\u7ee7\u7eed\u5411\u8fd9\u4f4d\u4e3a\u6b64\u4e8b\u4e1a\u727a\u7272\u81ea\u5df1\u751f\u547d\u7684\u77e5\u8bc6\u5206\u5b50\u8868\u8fbe\u4ed6\u4eec\u7684\u656c\u610f\u3002<\/span><\/p>

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\uff08\u767d\u590f\uff1a\u6cd5\u56fd\u6c49\u5b66\u5bb6\uff0c\u300a\u6c11\u4e3b\u4e2d\u56fd\u300b\u987e\u95ee\u3002\uff09<\/span><\/p>

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\uff08\u5f20\u88d5 \u8bd1\uff09<\/span>
<\/span><\/p>

A Formidable Personality<\/span><\/p>

By Jean-Philippe Béja<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

When I first heard that Liu Xiaobo had reached the final stage of liver cancer, I was in Hong Kong, hoping to hop on a plane to see him before he left this world.<\/span> Unhappily, his « release » was very relative, and I soon learned that it would be impossible to say goodbye to an old friend that I hadn<\/span>’<\/span>t seen for more than eight years. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

When after he died, I saw Liu Xia<\/span>’<\/span>s face while she dispersed his ashes in the sea, I couldn<\/span>’<\/span>t help from crying. But when I heard Liu Xiaoguang thank the Party for the way it had treated his brother<\/span>’<\/span>s cancer, I was terribly angry. Thanking the Party? For<\/span> what? For having done nothing to save the Nobel Prize laureate? For having imprisoned him for eleven years because he had dared express his ideas? July 1<\/span>3<\/span>th 2017 was one of the saddest days in my life. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

I couldn<\/span>’<\/span>t help from remembering the last time I had seen him, in October 2008, when we joked about all our friends, especially the pro-democracy activists that he had introduced to me. On that day, Xiaobo was in a nostalgic mood. He talked a lot about friendship that, he said, he valued more than everything, more than comradeship. It was a nostalgic evening, one of the rare times that I saw him with Liu Xia. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

A few months before that night, he had insulted (<\/span>\u9a82\u6211\u5f97\u5f88\u5389\u5bb3<\/span>) me: I was in Beijing and had tried to contact him as usual, but he was under house arrest. One day, <\/span>as I was going home, I got a phone call from him and he told me to go to his place and wait for him. I did. His wife Liu Xia let me in and told me that Xiaobo had left so that the plaincloth<\/span>es<\/span> officers who were watching him would follow him and allow me to enter his apartment so that I could wait for him. We had hardly started talking when a security guard (<\/span>\u4fdd\u5b89<\/span>) knocked at the door and said to Liu Xia: «there is a Foreigner here. Let him out or I shall call the police who will take you ». She denied, but when the guard left, I was worried. After a few minutes, there was another knock at the door, and this time, the guard almost pushed his way in. Liu Xia and I then decided that my presence was too dangerous for her, so I left. In the middle of the night, I received a call from Xiaobo who called me a coward, and said that Westerners were really too afraid of the Chinese police. I tried to explain that I left to protect Liu Xia,that I ran absolutely no risk, but he refused to listen. He was absolutely furious. I felt really bad, as I thought I had lost an excellent friend, but I still believed I had acted rightly. I went back to France, and a few months later, I got an e-mail from Xiaobo telling me that Liu Xia was going to France, and asking me if I could see her and help her. I was glad to meet her and she told me that Xiaobo had confessed that he had acted a little too rashly with me that night. When I saw him in October 2008, I said that I had been quite angry with him, but that I knew it was part of his character. We had a good laugh and spent a very pleasant evening. Both Xiaobo and Liu Xia were then in kind of a nostalgic mood and we spent a lot of time speaking of the importance of friendship. How could I know it was the last time I saw him? After his arrest, I often saw Liu Xia, and admired (and still do) her incredible courage. Although she was not that interested in politics, she learnt and did all that she could to try to obtain Xiaobo<\/span>’<\/span>s release. She has spent all these years under police surveillance, but couldn<\/span>’<\/span>t tell her husband what her situation was until April of this year. For almost a decade, she has been enduring terrible hardships and still is.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

The Black horse (<\/span>\u9ed1\u9a6c)<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

The first time I heard about Liu Xiaobo, I was in <\/span>\u4e0a\u6d77\u91d1\u5c71<\/span>taking part in a conference organized by the then Minister of Culture Wang Meng <\/span>\u738b\u8499to celebrate the new epoch literature \uff08\u65b0\u65f6\u671f\u6587\u5b66\uff09<\/span>. Although not a specialist of literature, I had been interested in the literary works published (or made public on the Democracy walls) after Mao<\/span>’<\/span>s death, as they described the sufferings of Chinese citizens under Mao. On the second day of the conference, a photocopy of an article published in the Shenzhen Qingnian bao <\/span>\u6df1\u5733\u9752\u5e74\u62a5<\/span>started to circulate among the participants, themselves famous writers who had played an important part in the scars literature movement (<\/span>\u4f24\u75d5\u6587\u5b66<\/span>). This article had a huge echo and soon enough, everybody was discussing the <\/span>“scandalous”<\/span> ideas that it carried. In effect, whereas they were still the target of attacks by conservative and Maoists, these authors were shocked to be criticized by a young liberal literary critique. All the more so as Liu Xiaobo<\/span>’<\/span>s writing was particularly acute: he vehemently denounced intellectuals<\/span>’<\/span> self-satisfaction and their tendency to assume the position of the counselor to the prince. From the day the article was circulated, Liu<\/span>’<\/span>s article was at the center of all the conversations, and both conservative and liberals writers criticized it. Of course, it was never mentioned during the debates that were taking place on the stage.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

I was particularly interested by this young intellectual, whose radicalism reminded me of his May 4th predecessors. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

Liu didn<\/span>’t take into account the reformers’<\/span> struggle against Maoism, he denounced what he considered wrong, whatever the consequences. His attacks against the new fashion of the <\/span>“search for the roots” (\u5bfb\u6839<\/span>), his denunciation of Chinese intellectuals who presented themselves as the main victims of Maoism whereas ordinary people had suffered a lot, were quite bold at the time. Although I didn<\/span>’<\/span>t meet him, I started to follow his writings. The more I read him, the more I realized he was not afraid of shocking his readers, and was not, as many of his colleagues, a tactician who supported one faction against the other in order to reach his goal.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

His declaration to The Liberation Monthly (later renamed to Open magazine) that if, in order to reach the present state Hong Kong had to go through 100 years of colonialism, then China would need 300 years of the same, shocked most progressive Western intellectuals, me included. However, after reflection, I understood that it was a kind of provocation: at the time (1988) many Chinese thinkers, shocked by the excesses of Maoism, were convinced that China<\/span>’<\/span>s closure to western ideas was one of the reasons of the tragedy it had been through. Liu was then only pushing this reflection to the extreme. In fact, although at the time he was readily accused of <\/span>“<\/span>wholesale Westernization<\/span>” \uff08\u5168\u76d8\u897f\u5316\uff09<\/span>he did not appreciate the way Westerners approached him. In an article he wrote during his stay in Norway, where he had been invited to spend three months, he criticized the ignorance of Western sinologists who did not understand his way of thinking. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

Liu showed that he had China<\/span>’<\/span>s future at heart when, during a stay at Columbia University (then the dream of many Chinese intellectuals) he decided to go back to Beijing to get involved in the pro-democracy movement which was shaking the country. I do not know of anyone else who followed this course. Xiaobo went directly to the Tiananman Square, where he spent over two weeks until the June Fourth Massacre. His involvement in the movement did not prevent him to criticize the antidemocratic behavior of the students who, despite this, continued to show their admiration of the man who had dared come back and stay among them.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

After the Massacre, although he had the possibility to escape, he stayed in Beijing and was arrested. The official press lashed out at the <\/span>“<\/span>black hand<\/span>” (\u9ed1\u624b<\/span>) behind the demonstrations. Xiaobo spent almost two years in jail. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

The activist<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

It was at the end of June 1992 that I finally met him for the first time in Beijing. He was with Zhou Duo, also one of the Tiananmen Four Gentlemen (<\/span>\u5929\u5b89\u95e8\u56db\u541b\u5b50) (\u5468\u8235\uff09<\/span>who had launched a hunger strike days before the massacre, and who had helped negotiate the evacuation of the Square. Zhou had also been in jail, and both of them wanted to continue the struggle.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

I was very surprised by Xiaobo<\/span>’s attitude: whereas I was expecting to talk to an “angry young man”<\/span>, having in mind the provocateur of the 1980s, I was faced with a very rational intellectual, who analyzed the general situation in detail. We talked about the 1989 pro-democracy movement, and of the prospective for democracy in China. <\/span>“<\/span>As to the part I played during the June Fourth movement, I understood that one cannot completely put one<\/span>’<\/span>s theory in practice once involved in political action. <\/span>……<\/span>One has to simplify his ideas and learn how to compromise (<\/span>\u5173\u4e8e\u6211\u5728\u516d\u56db\u53d1\u6325\u7684\u4f5c\u7528\uff0c\u6211\u660e\u767d\u4e86\uff0c\u4e0d\u53ef\u80fd\u5b8c\u5168\u5b9e\u73b0\u7406\u8bba\u3002\u53c2\u52a0\u653f\u6cbb\u7684\u8ddf\u77e5\u8bc6\u5206\u5b50\u7684\u4f5c\u7528\u4e0d\u4e00\u6837\u3002\u5e94\u8be5\u628a\u601d\u60f3\u7b80\u5355\u5316\uff0c\u5e94\u8be5\u59a5\u534f) I was quite surprised, but more was to come : “<\/span>During the 1989 pro-democracy movement, I was against the criticism of Deng Xiaoping. <\/span>…<\/span> Of course he is a despot, but it was useless to attack him. He could have changed his mind if he hadn<\/span>’<\/span>t felt threatened. .. I think that the students should have stopped their movement once the dialogue had taken place. But they were too radical, they had no experience of compromise. And besides, they were absolutely unable to co-ordinate their actions with other social groups. The decisions of the United Conference (<\/span>\u8054\u7cfb\u4f1a\u8bae) were never followed”<\/span>.  During this long night, Liu Xiaobo told me he had faith in the role that the lao sanjie (<\/span>\u8001\u4e09\u5c4a) could play in China’<\/span>s change, as they were very open-minded. He told me that many were favorable to democracy. He also told me that the Deng Xiaoping trip to the South (nanxun ) had been a very bold move and that it could pave the way to democratization. He said that democrats should work with the reformers who supported the nanxun. Whereas Zhou Duo declared that he was interested in <\/span>“neo-authoritarianism”, Xiaobo said he opposed it as he thought that it wouldn’<\/span>t work in China. In sum, my first encounter with him was a huge surprise as he appeared as a calm, rational and moderate intellectual. Later I was to understand that the June Fourth Massacre had changed him, and that his mission had become to fight for democracy in order to be able to face the <\/span>“lost souls” of that night. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

I have been meeting Xiaobo regularly from this time on. Every year, I went to Beijing, I spent hours with him discussing the Chinese situation, talking about the role of intellectuals in the struggle for democracy. Xiaobo had become an activist, and he was appreciated by all the components of the pro-democracy movement. In 1993, he achieved the dream of most dissidents as he was allowed to go abroad. However, after a few months, he returned to China and started to launch numerous collective letters to defend those who had dared defy the regime. He became one of the best connected activists in the pro-democracy movement. A prolific writer, he published very sensible articles on the political situation in Hong Kong magazines the nineties (<\/span>\u4e5d\u5341\u5e74\u4ee3<\/span>), zhengming <\/span>\uff08\u4e89\u9e23), Open (\u5f00\u653e<\/span>) and in the dissident magazine Democratic China <\/span>\uff08\u6c11\u4e3b\u4e2d\u56fd\uff09<\/span> published in USA that he eventually edited. Every time we met, he explained to me how the pro-democracy movement was developing, described its successes and failures, giving a very realistic picture of the situation. Despite the fact that he had a very strong character, Xiaobo was always ready to put his ideas in question and was very curious about what others thought of his positions. He took part in most of the actions in favor of democracy after he was released in 1992, until 1996. After three years of silence while serving his laojiao sentence, he immediately became active in 1999, and organized innumerable petitions to obtain the release of those who had dared defy the Party.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

Although a very opinionated person, he was able to compromise and to rally activists with very different backgrounds. In 2008, he was immensely respected by most actors of the pro-democracy movement, a remarkable feat in a group that appears terribly divided. Intellectuals inside and outside the system, workers, veterans of the Communist Party were all willing to relate to him, and often asked for his advice.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

These features explain why the Party decided to arrest him in 2008. It has often been said that he was arrested because of Charter 08. Although he did take part in its elaboration, he cannot be considered its main writer. However, he spent a lot of energy to convince people with different backgrounds to sign it. Despite his skepticism about the efficiency of the Charter, he decided to assume the main responsibility of its writing.<\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>

For all these reasons, Liu Xiaobo<\/span>’<\/span>s arrest represented a terrible blow to the pro-democracy movement. The respect he enjoyed in the pro-democracy movement explains why the Party has treated him very rashly until the end, eventually forcing his widow Liu Xia to disperse his ashes in the ocean so that there would be no grave where people could rally to honor his memory in China. Despite this attempt, commemorations have taken place since his demise and the tens of thousand miles of China<\/span>’<\/span>s coastline have become places where his followers have gathered to honor him. The Party has succeeded in getting rid of this formidable personality. However, those who continue to fight for democracy in the Middle Empire will keep paying their respects to an intellectual who has sacrificed his life to the cause. <\/span><\/p>

 <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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