A ChinaFile Conversation:How to Read China’s New Press Restrictions

DAVID SCHLESINGER, ORVILLE SCHELL, ROGIER CREEMERS, WEN YUNCHAO07.17.14

2014720censored_feature.jpg (372×266)

A Chinese policeman stops foreign journalists at a gate of the Chaoyang hospital in Beijing on May 2, 2012.
 
 
On June 30, China’s State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film, and Television posted a statement on its website warning Chinese journalists not to share information with their counterparts in the foreign press corps. Most major non-Chinese news organizations rely heavily on Chinese nationals to conduct research, identify sources, serve as interpreters, and, in some cases, interview sources who are reluctant to speak with foreigners over the telephone. The Chinese government doesn’t consider these employees of foreign news organizations to be official journalists (and it forbids Chinese nationals from working as correspondents for foreign media organizations.) It’s unclear to what extent the new rules target them. But when overt censorship or self-censoring editors prevent Chinese journalists who work for the country’s own media outlets from publishing their stories, they often pass them on to reporters at foreign news organizations, sometimes doing so through their Chinese news assistants. It is this information exchange that the new rules appear to want to block. We’ve asked media watchers and journalists to tell us how they read the new restrictions and to gauge their likely impact.—The Editors
 

Responses

David Schlesinger

For much of the last two and a half decades, Chinese journalists have been pushing the boundaries—many going into grey areas, others stepping boldly into danger zones, others yet going into forbidden areas and getting punished for it. Chinese journalism, both domestic and international, is much the better for this bravery.

International news bureaus, whose Chinese-national staff in the 1990s and before were limited to translating, making appointments, and the occasional nudge and wink about deeper stories, now have bureau “assistants” who are full correspondents in all but title and official recognition. Some get bylines, some go on to full journalistic careers outside of China’s borders. But all this has been done outside of the regulations and with the tacit acceptance if not approval of the authorities.

 Chinese domestic publications like Caijing, Caixin, Southern Weekly and others have pushed reporting far beyond what the state news agency Xinhua or the official People’s Daily would ever do. What was once a monolithic press is now full of diversity, and full of bravery.
Yet the Sword of Damocles has always hung over these brave reporters’ and editors’ heads.
What is not approved can always be punished. What is not in the regulations can always be stopped.
 
 
 
Continue reading the original article.
 
 
民主中国 | minzhuzhongguo.org

A ChinaFile Conversation:How to Read China’s New Press Restrictions

DAVID SCHLESINGER, ORVILLE SCHELL, ROGIER CREEMERS, WEN YUNCHAO07.17.14

2014720censored_feature.jpg (372×266)

A Chinese policeman stops foreign journalists at a gate of the Chaoyang hospital in Beijing on May 2, 2012.
 
 
On June 30, China’s State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film, and Television posted a statement on its website warning Chinese journalists not to share information with their counterparts in the foreign press corps. Most major non-Chinese news organizations rely heavily on Chinese nationals to conduct research, identify sources, serve as interpreters, and, in some cases, interview sources who are reluctant to speak with foreigners over the telephone. The Chinese government doesn’t consider these employees of foreign news organizations to be official journalists (and it forbids Chinese nationals from working as correspondents for foreign media organizations.) It’s unclear to what extent the new rules target them. But when overt censorship or self-censoring editors prevent Chinese journalists who work for the country’s own media outlets from publishing their stories, they often pass them on to reporters at foreign news organizations, sometimes doing so through their Chinese news assistants. It is this information exchange that the new rules appear to want to block. We’ve asked media watchers and journalists to tell us how they read the new restrictions and to gauge their likely impact.—The Editors
 

Responses

David Schlesinger

For much of the last two and a half decades, Chinese journalists have been pushing the boundaries—many going into grey areas, others stepping boldly into danger zones, others yet going into forbidden areas and getting punished for it. Chinese journalism, both domestic and international, is much the better for this bravery.

International news bureaus, whose Chinese-national staff in the 1990s and before were limited to translating, making appointments, and the occasional nudge and wink about deeper stories, now have bureau “assistants” who are full correspondents in all but title and official recognition. Some get bylines, some go on to full journalistic careers outside of China’s borders. But all this has been done outside of the regulations and with the tacit acceptance if not approval of the authorities.

 Chinese domestic publications like Caijing, Caixin, Southern Weekly and others have pushed reporting far beyond what the state news agency Xinhua or the official People’s Daily would ever do. What was once a monolithic press is now full of diversity, and full of bravery.
Yet the Sword of Damocles has always hung over these brave reporters’ and editors’ heads.
What is not approved can always be punished. What is not in the regulations can always be stopped.
 
 
 
Continue reading the original article.