[Editor’s Note from Human Rights in China: On the 37th anniversary of the June Fourth Massacre, the Tiananmen Mothers have authorized HRIC to publish this commemorative statement. For more information on June Fourth and the Tiananmen Mothers, please visit HRIC’s dedicated June Fourth page. Scroll down for the original Chinese text / 后附中文版]

The year 2026 marks the 37th anniversary of the June Fourth Massacre of 1989, which unfolded in Beijing, China’s capital, on the night of June 3-4, 1989. Acting on the orders of a small group of leaders then in power, the military carried out a bloody crackdown on peacefully protesting students and residents.

As victims of the June Fourth Massacre, we call on the government to address, through lawful means and in a spirit of peace and reason, all the wounds and unresolved injustices left by those events, and to restore justice and dignity to every family that lost a loved one.

This was a tragedy caused entirely by the government at that time, one that gravely violated China’s Constitution, violated the most basic principles of humanity, and trampled upon the civil rights of its citizens. Precisely because it was an act of state power, this human calamity remains, 37 years on, no closer to resolution. To this day, the government continues to evade responsibility, refuse redress, and suppress all public discussion of what took place.

Despite extraordinary advances in information technology, truthful accounts of the June Fourth Massacre remain inaccessible within China. People cannot discuss it openly or mourn it publicly. Even commemorations held by the victims’ families have long been subject to intense surveillance. This reality has left many young people unaware that in June 1989, in Beijing, soldiers opened fire on unarmed students and civilians. It is as if nothing ever happened.

The Chinese authorities’ official narrative of the June Fourth bloodshed has shifted repeatedly, from the original “suppressing turmoil and quelling a counterrevolutionary rebellion,” to a “political disturbance,” back to “turmoil” and “counterrevolutionary rebellion,” and most recently, in the November 2021 Resolution on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century, to “a serious political disturbance” and “opposing turmoil,” with the phrase “quelling a counterrevolutionary rebellion” dropped entirely.

Whatever the wording, all of these formulations serve to conceal the essential truth: that the government deployed the military against its own people, taking innocent lives. We lived through this tragedy. The people of Beijing witnessed it. Citizens across China, and people around the entire world, saw it unfold.

The military’s violence left countless students and citizens dead in the streets. The youngest victim in our records was only nine years old. Was a nine-year-old child a “rioter”? Who has the right to make such a designation? Can those in power simply invent charges with no basis in the law, and by force of that power compel an entire society into silence?

The tragedy of 1989 occurred in a time of peace, when China faced neither war nor foreign invasion. In those days, the broader public stood squarely behind the students. On April 15, 1989, the death of national leader Hu Yaobang sparked a wave of mourning that gradually grew into a nationwide student movement. Students called for an end to corruption and official profiteering, demanded disclosure of officials’ assets, and advanced other reform-minded appeals which resonated widely across society. People from all walks of life in Beijing took to the streets in support, while cities across China, as well as Hong Kong, voiced solidarity in turn. Through peaceful action, the public sought to make its aspirations heard: that the government respect the will of the people, advance the rule of law, and build a country that guarantees freedom of expression and embodies the values of a modern civilization.

What few anticipated was that the government would ultimately turn the army’s guns on its own people. Today, there is still no clear accounting of how many were killed, how many were wounded, or how many disappeared in the crackdown. The government has a duty to confront these unresolved historical issues honestly, to acknowledge its errors and make them right, to disclose the truth, and to provide an account to the families of the victims and to the Chinese people as a whole.

We will not forget Xu Qinxian, commander of the 38th Army, who refused to carry out the order to open fire. He said: “Such an action must be able to withstand the judgment of history. . . Carrying out such a mission might earn one merit, or it might make one a criminal in the eyes of history. I cannot bring myself to execute such an order with weapons in hand.” For that refusal, he was sentenced to five years in prison. Yet in doing so, he preserved the conscience of a soldier and embodied the finest qualities of our common humanity. He was a general of iron principle. His courage and conscience will endure through history, live on in the hearts of the people, and history will, in time, render him the judgment he deserves.

We must also ask: did the soldiers who that day turned their weapons on the people realize they were facing their own fellow citizens? Every person in power who gave the order to fire on the people should bear responsibility before both history and the law.

It is with deep sorrow that we inform the world of another loss: Xiong Hui, father of one of the victims, passed away from illness in May 2025 at the age of 87.

His son, Xiong Zhiming, was 20 years old when he was killed. He was an undergraduate student in the Class of 1988, Department of Economics, Beijing Normal University.

On the night of June 3, 1989, Xiong Zhiming and a female classmate took shelter in the entrance of a hutong alley. When she was struck by a bullet, he rushed forward to help her and was shot dead on the spot. Other students nearby identified him by his clothing as a student from Beijing Normal University, and his body was taken back by the university.

Xiong Zhiming’s parents were farmers from Jinxi County in Jiangxi Province. For a family of modest means, his admission to university in Beijing was a source of immense pride. Because the family was so poor, not a single photograph of him survives—only a school bag remains as his sole memento. His parents once said in grief: “Our child went to Beijing to study. He never finished his studies, he lost his life.” Those words speak for the countless families who have suffered the same loss.

For thirty-seven years, we, the Tiananmen Mothers, have never forgotten the pain of losing our loved ones. Because we have persisted in speaking the truth, we have long suffered unjust treatment, and our family lives have been deeply affected. Yet we continue, peacefully and rationally, in our pursuit of justice.

We reaffirm our three longstanding demands:

1. Disclose the full truth of the June Fourth Massacre;
2. Provide just compensation for the victims and their families;
3. Hold those responsible legally accountable in accordance with the law.

On November 20, 2025, Chinese leader Xi Jinping delivered a speech titled Remarks at the Symposium Marking the 110th Anniversary of Comrade Hu Yaobang’s Birth, in which he praised Hu Yaobang in glowing terms. Xi said Hu was “selfless and fearless,” that he insisted on correcting mistakes whenever they were found, and that he acted decisively to overturn wrongful convictions and miscarriages of justice. He credited Hu with restoring persecuted veteran officials to leadership posts and vindicating large numbers of cadres, intellectuals, and ordinary citizens who had suffered political persecution.

Xi continued: “Over a revolutionary career spanning 60 years, Hu embodied the noble character of steadfast faith and devotion to ideals; concern and dedication to the people; a commitment of seeking truth from facts; the fine qualities of being pragmatic and courageous in shouldering responsibility; and the lofty conduct of being principled, fair, and disciplined in all things. He is eternally worthy of our study.”

The June Fourth Massacre remains a historical wrong that China cannot evade. We, the families of the victims, hope that the country’s present leaders will uphold the spirit shown by Hu Yaobang: his selflessness, moral courage, and the willingness to correct errors when they are made. We urge them to accept their responsibility to history and resolve this injustice through legislative and judicial means.

Signatories:

You Weijie, Guo Liying, Zhang Yanqiu, Wu Lihong, Zhu Zhidi, Ye Xiangrong, Ding Zilin, Zhang Xianling, Qian Putai, Wu Dingfu, Song Xiuling, Sun Chengkang, Yu Qing, Sun Ning, Huang Jinping, Meng Shuying, Yuan Shumin, Liu Meihua, Xie Jinghua, Ma Xueqin, Kuang Ruirong, Yang Darong, He Tianfeng, Liu Xiuchen, Shen Guifang, Xie Jingrong, Yao Furong, Meng Shuzhen, Shao Qiufeng, Tan Hanfeng, Wang Wenhua, Chen Mei, Zhou Yan, Li Guiying, Xu Baoyan, Di Mengqi, Wang Lian, Guan Weidong, Liu Shuqin, Sun Shanping, Liu Tianyuan, Zhang Caifeng, He Ruitian, Tian Weiyan, Yang Zhiyu, Li Xianyuan, Wang Yuqin, Fang Zheng, He Xingcai, Liu Ren’an, Qi Guoxiang, Han Guogang, Pang Meiqing, Huang Ning, Wang Bodong, Zhang Zhiqiang, Kong Weizhen, Liu Baodong, Qi Zhiying, Fang Guizhen, Lei Yong, Ge Guirong, Zheng Xiucun, Gui Delan, Wang Yunqi, Huang Xuefen, Guo Daxian, Wang Lin, Zhu Jingrong, Wang Zhengqiang, Ning Shuping, Cao Yunlan, Feng Shulan, Fu Yuanyuan, Li Chunshan, Jiang Yanqin, He Fengting, Xiao Zongyou, Qiao Xiulan, Lu Yanjing, Li Haoquan, Lai Yundi, Zhou Xiaojiao, Zhou Yunjiao, Chen Yongbang, Liu Yongliang, Zhang Jingli, Sun Haiwen, Wang Hai, Lu Sanbao, Yao Yueying, Ren Gailian, Ni Shishu, Yang Yunlong, Cui Linsen, Wu Weidong, Shi Jing, Yuan Ren, Bao Limei, Xi Guijun, Zhong Junhua, Ya Aiqiang, Chen Weidong, Hao Jian, Zhang Suying, Lin Li, Duan Changqi

(107 signatories in total)

At the proposal of fellow bereaved families, we also append the names of signatories from previous years who have since passed away, in honor of their final wishes and in respect for their memory.

Wu Xuehan, Su Bingxian, Yao Ruisheng, Yang Shiyu, Yuan Changlu, Zhou Shuzhen, Wang Guoxian, Bao Yutian, Lin Jingpei, Kou Yusheng, Meng Jinxiu, Zhang Junsheng, Wu Shouqin, Zhou Zhigang, Sun Xiuzhi, Luo Rang, Yan Guanghan, Li Zhenying, Kuang Diqing, Duan Hongbing, Liu Chunlin, Zhang Yaozhu, Li Shujuan, Yang Yinshan, Wang Peijing, Yuan Kezhi, Pan Muzhi, Xiao Changyi, Ya Weilin, Liu Jianlan, Suo Xiunü, Yang Ziming, Cheng Shuzhen, Du Dongxu, Zhang Guirong, Zhao Tingjie, Lu Masheng, Jiang Peikun, Ren Jinbao, Zhang Shuyun, Han Shuxiang, Shi Feng, Wang Guirong, Sui Lisong, Tian Shuling, Sun Shufang, Chen Yongchao, Sun Hengyao, Xu Jue, Wang Fandi, Li Xuewen, Wang Shuanglan, Zhang Zhenxia, Xiao Shulan, Tan Shuqin, Gao Jie, Jin Yaxi, Xing Chengli, Zhou Guolin, Hao Yichuan, Lu Yubao, Cao Changxian, Yin Min, Liu Qian, Lin Wuyun, Jin Zhenyu, Feng Youxiang, Wang Huirong, Zhu Yuxian, Zhang Shushen, Wang Guangming, Zhou Shuzhuang, Qi Zhiyong, Jia Fuquan, Huang Dingying, Xi Yongshun, Mu Huailan, Wang Deyi, Zhao Jinsuo, Xiong Hui

(80 signatories in total)

1989年“六四”惨案三十七周年祭

天安门母亲

2026年5月27日

进入2026年，是1989年6月3日至4日发生在中国首都北京的“六四”惨案37周年。这一事件由当年少数当权者下令、军队参与，对和平示威的学生和市民实施了血腥镇压。作为“六四”惨案的受害者，我们呼吁政府通过法律途径，以和平、理性的方式解决当年遗留下来的所有创伤和问题，还每一个遇难者家庭以公道。

这是一件由当年政府一手造成、严重违背中国宪法、违背人性、侵犯民权的事件。正因为是政府行为，这一人间悲剧在37年后依然看不到解决的可能。政府至今仍采取回避、不解决、全面压制言论的态度。尽管信息技术高度发达，在国内仍无法获取有关“六四”惨案的真实信息。人们不能公开讨论、不能公开悼念，甚至遇难者亲属的悼念活动也长期处于严密监控之下。这样的现实，使许多年轻人甚至不知道1989年6月在北京曾发生过军队向手无寸铁的学生和市民开枪的惨烈事实，仿佛一切从未发生。

中国官方对“六四”血腥屠杀的叙事不断改变，从最初的“制止动乱和平息反革命暴乱”，到“政治风波”，到再提“动乱”和“反革命暴乱”；最新的是2021年11月的《中国共产党第三个历史决议》，其中只见“严重政治风波”和“反对动乱”，不再提“平息反革命暴乱”。不管其表述如何改变，都是在掩盖政府动用军队镇压民众、剥夺无辜生命的本质和事实。我们是这一惨案的亲历者，北京市民是见证者，全国人民乃至全世界都曾目睹这一历史悲剧。军队的暴力行动导致无数学生和市民倒在街头。我们记录在册的最小遇难者年仅9岁。难道9岁的孩子也是所谓的“暴乱分子”？谁有权如此定义？当权者是否可以凭借手中的权力，为同胞编织没有法律依据的罪名，使整个社会在高压之下被迫噤声？

1989年的悲剧发生在一个没有战争、没有外敌入侵的和平时期。当时，广大民众站在学生一边。1989年4月15日，国家领导人胡耀邦逝世，引发悼念活动并逐渐演变为学生运动。学生提出反腐败、反官倒、要求公开官员财产等诉求，得到社会广泛响应。北京各界人士走上街头声援学生，全国多个城市乃至香港地区也纷纷表达支持。人民以和平方式表达诉求，希望政府尊重民意，推进依法治国，建设一个保障公民言论自由、符合现代文明理念的国家。

然而，出乎所有人意料的是，政府最终动用了军队向人民开枪。在这场镇压中究竟有多少人死亡、多少人受伤、又有多少人失踪，至今仍无明确答案。对于这些遗留问题，政府理应本着实事求是、有错必纠的原则，公布真相，回应历史，给遇难者家庭一个交代，也给全国人民一个交代。

我们不会忘记拒绝执行开枪命令的第38军军长徐勤先。他曾表示：“这样的行动必须经得起历史检验……执行这样的任务可能立功，也可能成为历史的罪人。带武器执行这样的命令，我无法做到。”他因此被判刑五年，但他却坚守了军人的良知，绽放出人性的光辉。他是一位铁骨铮铮的将军，他的勇气和良知将永垂史册，被铭记在人民心中，历史也终将给予他应有的评价。

我们也要追问：当年那些将枪口对准民众的军人，是否意识到面对的是自己的同胞？当权者中，凡是下令对人民开枪的人，都应承担历史与法律的责任。

我们怀着沉痛的心情告知世人：又一位遇难者的父亲熊辉，于2025年5月因病去世，享年87岁。

遇难者熊志明，男，遇难时20岁，北京师范大学1988级经济系本科生。

1989年6月3日晚，熊志明与同班一位女生躲进一个胡同口，女生被子弹击中，他立刻上前救援，也遭到射杀，当即死亡。遗体被同在现场的其他学生通过其身上所穿的衣服，辨认出他是北京师范大学的学生，被学校领回。

熊志明的父母是江西省金溪县农民。在当时并不宽裕的家庭条件下，他能够考入北京读大学，是全家的骄傲。由于家境困难，他甚至没有留下照片，仅有一个书包成为唯一遗物。其父母曾悲痛地说：“我们的孩子是到北京读书去的，书没有读成，命却丢了。”这句话，道出了无数遇难者家庭共同的心声。

 

37年来，我们“天安门母亲”群体始终没有忘记失去亲人的痛苦。因为坚持讲述真相，我们长期遭受不公正对待，家庭生活受到严重影响。但我们依然坚持，以和平、理性的方式，继续寻求正义。

我们重申三项诉求：

一、公布“六四”惨案真相；

二、对遇难者及其家属给予合理赔偿；

三、依法追究责任者的法律责任。

中国国家主席习近平2025年11月20日发表《在纪念胡耀邦同志诞辰110周年座谈会上的讲话》，称赞胡耀邦：“他无私无畏，坚持有错必纠，大刀阔斧平反冤假错案，坚决落实党的干部政策和知识分子政策，使大批受到迫害的老同志重新走上领导岗位，使大批蒙受冤屈和迫害的干部、知识分子和普通群众得到平反昭雪。”“在长达60年的革命生涯中，他充分展现了坚守信仰、献身理想的高尚品格，心在人民、利归天下的为民情怀，实事求是、勇于开拓的探索精神，求真务实、敢于担当的优秀品质，公道正派、廉洁自律的崇高风范。他永远值得我们学习。”

“六四”惨案是中国无法回避的历史问题。我们难属希望现国家领导人秉持胡耀邦的无私无畏、有错必纠的精神，勇于承担历史责任，通过立法与司法程序，公正解决这一问题。

签名者：

尤维洁 郭丽英 张彦秋 吴丽虹 祝枝弟 叶向荣 丁子霖 张先玲 钱普泰 吴定富 宋秀玲 孙承康 于 清 孙 宁 黄金平 孟淑英 袁淑敏 刘梅花 谢京花 马雪琴 邝瑞荣 杨大榕 贺田凤 刘秀臣 沈桂芳 谢京荣 要福荣 孟淑珍 邵秋风 谭汉凤 王文华 陈 梅 周 燕 李桂英 徐宝艳 狄孟奇 王 连 管卫东 刘淑琴 孙珊萍 刘天媛 张彩凤 何瑞田 田维炎 杨志玉 李显远 王玉芹 方 政 何兴才 刘仁安 齐国香 韩国刚 庞梅清 黄 宁 王伯冬 张志强 孔维真 刘保东 齐志英 方桂珍 雷 勇 葛桂荣 郑秀村 桂德兰 王运启 黄雪芬 郭达显 王 琳 朱镜蓉 王争强 宁书平 曹云兰 冯淑兰 付媛媛 李春山 蒋艳琴 何凤亭 肖宗友 乔秀兰 陆燕京 李浩泉 赖运迪 周小姣 周运姣 陈永邦 刘永亮 张景利 孙海文 王 海 陆三宝 姚月英 任改莲 倪世殊 杨云龙 崔林森 吴卫东 石 晶 袁 刃 包丽梅 奚贵君 钟俊华 轧爱强 陈卫东 郝 建 张素英 林 莉 段昌琦

（共107人）

根据难友们的提议，决定把历年来签名者中已故难友的名单附录如下，以尊重死者遗愿：

吴学汉 苏冰娴 姚瑞生 杨世钰 袁长录 周淑珍 王国先 包玉田 林景培 寇玉生 孟金秀 张俊生 吴守琴

周治刚 孙秀芝 罗 让 严光汉 李贞英 邝涤清 段宏炳 刘春林 张耀祖 李淑娟 杨银山 王培靖 袁可志

潘木治 萧昌宜 轧伟林 刘建兰 索秀女 杨子明 程淑珍 杜东旭 张桂荣 赵廷杰 陆马生 蒋培坤 任金宝

张淑云 韩淑香 石 峰 王桂荣 隋立松 田淑玲 孙淑芳 陈永朝 孙恒尧 徐 珏 王范地 李雪文 王双兰

张振霞 肖书兰 谭淑琴 高 捷 金亚喜 邢承礼 周国林 郝义传 陆玉宝 曹长先 尹 敏 刘 乾 林武云

金贞玉 冯友祥 王惠蓉 朱玉仙 张树森 王广明 周淑庄 齐志勇 贾福泉 黄定英 奚勇顺 穆怀兰 王德义

赵金锁 熊 辉

（共80人）

来源：中国人权