（民主转型与十字方针征文）
作者：乔安尼·利多姆—阿克曼（Joanne Leedom-Ackerman）
我从没有见过刘晓波，但他的言语和生平触动并激励著我。他的思想活过了他的身体，尽管我们许多人希望他幸存下来，以帮助发展和领导中国——他为之奉献的国家和人民——进行民主改革。
2009年12月23日，刘晓波把《我没有敌人——我的最后陈述》交给审判他的法官。这篇陈述之旁，并立著启发和帮助建构社会的那些重要文字，正如马丁·路德·金的《伯明翰监狱来鸿》在我们美国所起的作用。马丁·路德·金的话既面向他的牧师同工们，也面向他的检察官、法官和美国公民们，要为实现更完美的民主而奋斗。
对刘晓波这位我从没见过的人，我很犹豫是否会替他说得太多，但是作为一名作家和活动家，通过笔会来代表那些因言论遭到国家权力反对的作家们，我可以提供自己的文本和衡量。
刘晓波说，1989年6月是他生命的一个转折时刻——当时他回到中国加入民运的抗议活动。1989年6月，我是美国西部笔会会长。那是动荡的一年，对萨尔曼·拉什迪的追杀令是2月份发出的，包括我们笔会的国际笔会在全球动员了抗议活动。
1989年5月，我是在荷兰马斯特裡赫特召开的国际笔会代表大会的代表，美国西部笔会向代表大会提交了代表包括魏京生在内的中国系狱作家的决议提案，呼吁中国政府释放他们。中国代表团代表政府立场高于笔会立场，为反对这一决议而争辩。诗人北岛作为笔会代表大会的来宾站起来，通过台北笔会（中华民国笔会）翻译，为我们的决议辩护。
天安门广场（暴力清场）事件在几星期后爆发，我首先关心的是北岛的安全。原来他还没回到中国，而且之前也没有。美国西部笔会以及世界各地的笔会，开始梳理中国被拘作家的名字，以便我们可以进行干预。我记得仔细地阅读了国际笔会伦敦总部发来的那些中文名字，并试图排出来使之得以翻译。刘晓波，我肯定必在其中，虽然我当时还不了解他。
刘晓波在二十年后的《最后陈述》中，谈到他被判定犯有“反革命宣传煽动罪”的后果：“失去了我酷爱的讲台，再也不能在国内发表文章和演讲。仅仅因为发表不同政见和参加和平民主运动，一名教师就失去了讲台，一个作家就失去了发表的权利，一位公共知识人就失去公开演讲的机会，这，无论之于我个人还是之于改革开放已经30年的中国，都是一种悲哀。”
经过为魏京生案工作多年后，我终于见到了魏京生。他获释来到美国，我们在华盛顿的老艾比特烧烤店（Old Ebbit Grill）一起进餐。我曾希望有一天也得以见到刘晓波，或者如果无法亲身见面，至少可以通过他的诗文来听到他更多的话。
他的话现在成了我们的唯一会面处。他的写作强劲，充满了民众形成政治实体时个体和集体所体现的关于人类精神的真理。我期待他的诗歌和他作为主要起草人之一的著名《零八宪章》——有三万以上中国公民签名认可，将产生共鸣和影响增长。
《零八宪章》开始了一条走向更民主中国的道路，我希望有一天得以实现。
《零八宪章》指出：“有法律而无法治，有宪法而无宪政，仍然是有目共睹的政治现实。执政集团继续坚持维系威权统治，排拒政治变革……
“借此，我们本著负责任与建设性的公民精神对国家政制、公民权利与社会发展诸方面提出如下具体主张：
“修改宪法…… 分权制衡……立法民主……司法独立……公器公用……人权保障……公职选举……城乡平等……结社自由……集会自由……言论自由……宗教自由……公民教育……财产保护……财税改革……社会保障……环境保护……联邦共和……转型正义……”
《零八宪章》面向政治实体。刘晓波的“最后陈述：我没有敌人也没有仇恨”则面向个体，而对我来说引起最深刻的共鸣。此呼吁不取决于他人，只取决于自己施行。他警告不要仇恨：
“仇恨会腐蚀一个人的智慧和良知，敌人意识将毒化一个民族的精神，煽动起你死我活的残酷斗争，毁掉一个社会的宽容和人性，阻碍一个国家走向自由民主的进程。所以，我希望自己能够超越个人的遭遇来看待国家的发展和社会的变化，以最大的善意对待政权的敌意，以爱化解恨。”
在最近一次会议上，一位出席者问：如果刘晓波知道他的生命将如何终结，他是否可能改变这个说法？一位了解他的朋友确信，他因信守这个理念而不会改变。刘晓波信守“没有敌人也没有仇恨”，并不会使他加入他所反对的专制，而是抗拒这个负面。他与仁爱一致，是滋养人类精神并最终使其蓬勃发展的力量。刘晓波生前的言语和思想，为我们大家提供了灯标和指南。
乔安尼·利多姆—阿克曼（Joanne Leedom-Ackerma）——小说家兼记者，国际笔会荣休副会长，曾任秘书长和狱中作家委员会主席。
（张裕 译）
by Joanne Leedom-Ackerman
I never met Liu Xiaobo, but his words and life touch and inspire me. His ideas live beyond his physical body though I am among the many who wish he survived to help develop and lead democratic reform in China, a nation and people he was devoted to.
Liu’s Final Statement: I Have No Enemies delivered December 23, 2009 to the judge sentencing him stands beside important texts which inspire and help frame society as Martin Luther King’s Letter from a Birmingham Jail did in my country. King addressed fellow clergymen and also his prosecutors, judges and the citizens of America in its struggle to realize a more perfect democracy.
I hesitate to project too much onto Liu Xiaobo, this man I never met, but as a writer and an activist through PEN on behalf of writers whose words set the powers of state against them, I can offer my own context and measurement.
Liu said June, 1989 was a turning point in his life as he returned to China to join the protests of the democracy movement. In June, 1989 I was President of PEN Center USA West. It was a tumultuous year in which the fatwa against Salman Rushdie was issued in February, and PEN, including our center, mobilized worldwide in protest.
In May, 1989 I was a delegate to the PEN Congress in Maastricht, Netherlands where PEN Center USA West presented to the Assembly of Delegates a resolution on behalf of imprisoned writers in China, including Wei Jingsheng, and called on the Chinese government to release them. The Chinese delegation, which represented the government’s perspective more than PEN’s, argued against the resolution. Poet Bei Dao, who was a guest of the Congress, stood and defended our resolution with Taipei PEN translating.
When the events of Tiananmen Square erupted a few weeks later, my first concern was whether Bei Dao was safe. It turns out he had not yet returned to China and never did. PEN Center USA West, along with PEN Centers around the world, began going through the names of Chinese writers taken into custody so we might intervene. I remember well reading through these names written in Chinese sent from PEN’s London headquarters and trying to sort them and get them translated. Liu Xiaobo, I am certain must have been among them, though I didn’t know him at the time.
In his Final Statement to the Court twenty years later, Liu told the consequence for him of being found guilty of “the crime of spreading and inciting counterrevolution” at the Tiananmen protest: “I found myself separate from my beloved lectern and no longer able to publish my writing or give public talks inside China. Merely for expressing different political views and for joining a peaceful democracy movement, a teacher lost his right to teach, a writer lost his right to publish, and a public intellectual could no longer speak openly. Whether we view this as my own fate or as the fate of a China after thirty years of ‘reform and opening,’ it is truly a sad fate.”
I finally did meet Wei Jingsheng after years of working on his case. He was released and came to the United States where we shared a meal together at the Old Ebbit Grill in Washington. I was hopeful I might someday also get to meet Liu Xiaobo, or if not meet him physically, at least get to hear more from him through his poetry and prose.
His words are now our only meeting place. His writing is robust and full of truth about the human spirit, individually and collectively as citizens form the body politic. I expect that both his poetry and the famed Charter 08, for which he was one of the primary drafters and which more than 30000 Chinese citizens endorsed, will resonate and grow in consequence.
Charter 08 set out a path to a more democratic China which I hope one day will be realized.
“The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government,” noted Charter 08.
“The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change….
“Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development: a New Constitution…Separation of Powers…Legislative Democracy…an Independent Judiciary…Public Control of Public Servants…Guarantee of Human Rights…Election of Public Officials…Rural—Urban Equality…Freedom to Form Groups…Freedom to Assemble…Freedom of Expression…Freedom of Religion…Civic Education…Protection of Private Property…Financial and Tax Reform…Social Security…Protection of the Environment…a Federated Republic…Truth in Reconciliation.”
Charter 08 addresses the body politic. Liu Xiaobo’s Final Statement: I Have No Hatred addresses the individual, and for me resonates most profoundly. Its call doesn’t depend on others but on oneself for execution. He warned against hatred.
“Hatred only eats away at a person’s intelligence and conscience, and an enemy mentality can poison the spirit of an entire people (as the experience of our country during the Mao era clearly shows). It can lead to cruel and lethal internecine combat, can destroy tolerance and human feeling within a society, and can block the progress of a nation toward freedom and democracy For these reasons I hope that I can rise above my personal fate and contribute to the progress of our country and to changes in our society. I hope that I can answer the regime’s enmity with utmost benevolence, and can use love to dissipate hate.”
At a recent conference a participant asked if Liu Xiaobo might have changed this statement if he understood how his life would end. A friend who knew him assured that he would not for he was committed to the idea. Liu Xiaobo’s commitment to No Enemies, No Hatred does not accede to the authoritarianism he opposed, but instead resists the negative. He aligns with benevolence and love as the power that nourishes the human spirit and ultimately allows it to flourish. Liu’s words and his ideas lived offer us all a beacon and a guide.
Joanne Leedom-Ackerman is a novelist, short story writer and journalist. She is Vice President Emeritus of PEN International where she has served as Chair of the Writers in Prison Committee and as International Secretary.
